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MORE ABOUT MOKO
By Mark Kopua
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The author advises that the information provided here is
sub-tribally sourced
and should not be regarded as rules or regulations pertaining to all tribes
and sub-tribes of Aotearoa.
The concept of "Maori" people is only 150+ years old whereas much
of this information pertains to
concepts and times prior to this era.
ORIGINS
Everybody's account about Mataora being responsible for
bringing Moko to this world would be correct. In general, we all know that
Mataora journeyed to Rarohenga on a quest to win back the heart of his
beloved wife, Niwareka, and in doing so received the Moko from his father
in-law, Uetonga. As a result of that he also learnt how to apply Moko - or
Ta-Moko. However, it is apparent by this account that, Moko was an art form
and a practice already developed and established somewhere other than the
original homeland of Hawaiki. So it is that, the more curious may further
enquire,
"Where than, was Rarohenga?"
It is interesting to find, in one easily
acquired source, that on the return of Mataora to Te Aoturoa, he was informed
by one of the Rarohenga residents, Tiwaiwaka, to postpone his return until
the O-Rongonui (warm) season,
in the period of Te Tatau-Uruora
(November). Surprisingly enough this corresponds with the O-Rongonui
navigational directives, to Aotearoa, as provided by Kupe in Hawaiki. So it
indicates that, Rarohenga, as opposed to being a mythical
"Underworld," had navigational points of reference as if it were in
an island or islands far off in the West (Uruora).
It is also interesting to find that, this same source, mentions that Mataora
was a Poporo- Kewa,
suggesting by translation, that he was of either Fijian or Melanesian extraction.
So fuelling the notion that Mataora traveled to another island as opposed to
the "underworld."
This well known story not only tells us
that Mataora brought Moko back to us, but more importantly, it points us to
the sacred or godly origins of Moko. That mantle of course, by virtue of
genealogy, lays with Ruaumoko, the last child of Rangi and Papa who, still
within the breasts of his mothers care, presides over earthquakes and
volcanic activity. Hence his name - Ruau - MOKO or The
Trembling Current That Scars The Earth.
Genealogy table 1.
Rangi-nui = Papa-tua-nuku
Whaka-Rua-u-moko = Hinenuitepo
Hineoi = Putahaga
Manu-tiongi = Uetonga
Niwareka = Mataora
Genealogy table 2.
Rangi-nui = Papa-tua-nuku
Whaka-Rua-u-moko = Hinetohu
Manu-ongaonga
Uetonga = Manu-tiongi
Niwareka = Mataora
By this account, we see that our
ancestors, through the simple observation of the natural phenomena of
earthquakes, albeit rather destructive, saw that this deified ancestor,
Ruaumoko, was responsible for the deep uneven grooves left within the surface
terrain of their primal parent, Papa-tuanuku. In short, they witnessed, a
natural form of Moko.
Not only that but it gives a relative indicator as to the time frame of Moko
origins. So much so that considering the time frame of Ruaumoko as somewhere
near the time of earths creation, the optimist could theorize that Moko has
been around and developing since then.
It is also interesting that early
sources also say that upon the return of Mataora and Niwareka to Te Aoturoa,
that Niwareka's moko included simply 2 markings on her forehead and her
cheeks. In fact it states that it wasn't until some time later that the first
actual Moko lips were applied upon a woman called Ruhiruhi, during either the
period or the reign of Tiwhana-a-rangi.
Additionally, it also states that it wasn’t until well into the Maori
occupancy of Aotearoa that the first "Pu-Kauwae" or chin Moko was
applied. So this, if accepted, clearly refutes the post-European or modern
opinion that chin Moko was the only woman's moko. It also clearly indicates
that Moko, like the culture that it is derived, was never static. It was
dynamic and adapted to changes and progressions of the time in order to
validate its existence.
MOKO
MESSAGES
Every Moko, moreso the Mataora and even the Mata-kiore
facials, contain ancestral/tribal messages that pertain to the wearer. These
messages narrate a wearer's family, sub-tribal and tribal affiliations and
their placing within these social structures. In terms of the wearers "placing,"
a message would basically contain the wearers "value" by way of
their genealogy, perhaps their knowledge or expertise and their participation
within each social level.
INHERIT
OR CREDIT
There is a main thread in Moko that details whether a person
received status based upon purity of bloodlines or quality of participation.
This is either by virtue of inheritance or accreditation. For example;
An ariki, is an ariki solely by virtue of aristocratic genealogy. This title
is his/her birthright and cannot be removed from them. However, a rangatira
is made such by the whanau, hapu or iwi, through the quality of their
personal participation. The position is accredited so could be removed by the
power of the whanau, hapu and iwi... or ariki.
These markings of birthright or qualification are prominent throughout moko.
GENEALOGY
Because most people were born into and lived within the
hapu "small group/village" structure the genealogical markings made
broadcasts of that fact. This particular information was more important to
these specific levels alone, and only relevant to any higher groups like Iwi,
if the genealogical lines warranted such attention. So, in terms of
participation, if a wearer were to bear some authority over any such hapu
matters, the markings would symbolize whether this was through bloodlines or
through qualification.
This was fundamental in the conceptual and practical rituals of encounter. As
it is still recognised, the utmost respect was afforded to those with senior
birthrights and so forth beneath them, so any diversion from that was
regarded as insult and could easily end in fatalities or worse yet,
generations of unresolved feuding. So Moko, for this practical sense, became
a tool by which a hierarchical custom could be observed and maintained.
QUALIFICATION
Maori oral history highlights the immense value that early
Maori society placed on any form of higher learning or understanding because
knowledge was a godly given gift, sought after by Tane-tiki-wananga. So
traditional society saw this attained skill as warranting recognition by way
of Moko markings. The pursuit of knowledge became a focal activity for many
people of those times, therefore it was by virtue of skills and levels of
knowledge attained that markings were placed within a Moko.
Again, as oral history tells, there was the knowledge of everyday matters as
well as the understanding of matters beyond common grasp so these in
themselves were separate institutions of learning. Again, recognition was
afforded to such learning or qualification and in terms of participation, if
a wearer, was to bear some authority over any such hapu orientated skills, as
in being an authority to speak or to teach, the markings to symbolize their
progression, growth and rankings were apparent.
PARTICIPTAION
Moko portrayed information pertaining to an individual
wearer. Usually that information registered the type of participation that
the wearer took within their respective groups. As mentioned previously, there
were markings that symbolized whether an expert in knowledge of the occult,
for example, was either an authority or perhaps a teacher on the matter.
These markings showed the extent of their participation in hapu/iwi affairs.
Another example, at the iwi level was perhaps how did an individual play a
role in runanga affairs. Yet another example was an activity that by
necessity became so prevalent within Maori society, warfare. Again Moko
portrayed the appropriate markings that relayed pertinent information
relating to an individual's prowess within this area. What command the wearer
reached. Were they simply bearers of weapons or were they commanders and
leaders of battalions? All these had the markings in Moko. This was their
individual participation within whanau, hapu or iwi activity.
To
continue, please go to
MORE ABOUT MOKO 2
MORE ABOUT MOKO 3
MORE ABOUT MOKO 4
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